It exists partly because the Government and its constituent party machineries cannot do without it and, to a certain extent, neither can business and industry in the present dispensation. Also included in the picture is the cost of chartering private planes and helicopters that are routinely used by politicians for political rallies and constituency visits, along with the large fleets of vehicles required to ferry them and their staff on the ground.
Sometimes via the East India Company and often through a procession of princely stooges. The British were past masters at disguising their plunder: A profligate and inefficient use of tax revenues with a huge Government living high makes for a very understandable desire to dodge taxes on the part of a long suffering public.
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Furthermore this bribe money — in small instalments for the humble — must be traceless. The money trail has gone cold, that too for several years now. India is probably no more corrupt than the next nation, but it is burdened with untenable laws that most of the powers-that-be have seen fit to circumvent.
If a few diamond merchants are somehow brought to book and their tax-evading monies are repatriated, no doubt some good will come of it, but it would certainly not cure the malaise. While the account-holders mostly consisted of monied Europeans, others were Nazis, Indian princes, deposed dictators and so on.
The ongoing campaign in the media about the hoarded billions in Swiss banks that allegedly belong to hawala-patronising and black-money generating Indians is hotting up. But, due to local laws in Arabia, it is not illegitimate.
On the other side of the fence, no business development can take place without substantial bribes being paid to a gargantuan babudom, a circumstance, to be fair, in place from Mughal times, with a suitably hoary, even sophisticated, tradition of bakhsheesh and patronage.
However, this debate has blithely ignored the vital components of the very structuring of political and commercial life in India. The Swiss have built a nation on this secrecy.
What we need to do is to revisit our outdated laws and amend them if we are to tackle the scourge of the black economy.
But even as we entertain such fantasies, we must realise that the stashing of such vast sums abroad is a symptom of a pervasive disease, and not just a collective act of deviancy from the honest norm.
As far as the abundant overflow of liquid funds is concerned, to further secure the loot, it must be broken up into many separate transactions and sent abroad through ubiquitous unofficial banking channels.
Collectively, they provide much comfort to those in need of their services. To slay this fiscal anaconda will take much more effort.
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It is also a cut above constituency allowances and figures stated in ridiculously out-of-date guidelines on how much a man or woman may spend in order to get elected in the first place.
Yet there is another side to this story. The amount called for runs into tens of thousands of crores of rupees, much of it extorted from business and industry for party coffers in cash. However, if more substantial sums are warranted for the powerful and exalted, they must be routed through labyrinthine benami courses, with a great deal of it being paid in kind in the form of property transferred, bought and paid for.
But, as in many such cases, he will be allowed to leave with his money for minimising turmoil and bloodshed, and Egypt will be happy to be free from him at last. Today, post the British overlays — its monopolies, duties, cesses, taxes, permissions, warrants, licences, exclusions, inclusions, requisitions over and above the old Mughal ones — we have tens of millions of un-sackable babus empowered with myriad levels of sanctioning authority and oversight.
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